I noticed the article titled How to induce a miscarriage herbally (and safely) is currently the highest in hits from searches from all across the U.S., Canada, and other countries (including Pakistan and Dubai yesterday).  The following is what I recently posted as a note before the text of the article:

…I’m not sure what the credentials of the author are.  I would like to direct you to a variety of other resources to check out in addition to this one.  I apologize that some are in a pdf form that can’t be put through a translator (although please be very careful if you’re using google translator for any of this, and putting it into action).

This is the best document online as far as I can tell: Herbal Abortion a Woman’s DIY Guide zine
see also: Sister Zeus/Sister Zeus list
For the women of South Dakota: an abortion manual (2006)
Herbal Abortion: The Fruit of the Tree of Knowledge (1994)
Wive’s Tales zine
Viva Voce: Some thoughts on women’s health and sexuality
Herbs not the only abortion option (2005)
anarcha library: Herbal Abortion is not D.I.Y. (2004)

Top Posts on anarchalibrary

Committing a crime does not remove… →

rgr-pop:

suzy-x:

Committing a crime does not remove…

mcgoats:

lavender-labia:

thegreenwolf:

Committing a crime does not remove someone’s humanity. I would rather live in a society where rapists and murderers are still treated as human beings, even in a prison, because preserving their right to be human is as important as protecting my right to be…

Wow ok I’m not gonna treat or think of rapists with compassion literally ever thx xoxo

sorry not sorry

Okay so this thread has really started to irk me.

Everyone crying “BUT WHERE WILL ALL THE RAPISTS GO?!?!?!” at those for prison abolition really miss several points here. And one of them is that actually, the vast majority of rapists actually DO NOT end up in prison.

If only 56% or estimated rapes are reported and only 3% of those charged with rape ever see a jail cell, who’s to say that most prisoners are rapists? In fact it seems a minority of prisoners actually are violent offenders. Meanwhile, a rising number of people in prison are actually “drug offenders” (AKA young people of color who sell or use drugs) who’ve been racially profiled. According to wikipedia:

As of 2006, 49.3% of state prisoners, or 656,000 individuals, were incarcerated for non-violent crimes. As of 2008, 90.7% of federal prisoners, or 165,457 individuals, were incarcerated for non-violent offenses.[22] Drug offenses account for two-thirds of the rise in the federal inmate population since 1985; approximately half a million people are in prison for a drug offense today compared to 40,000 in 1981—an increase of 1,100 percent.[23]

The reason we demonstrated in front of a women’s prison on Mother’s Day is because incarcerated women, especially women of color, are disproportionately survivors of violence and trauma. Many of them are incarcerated as a result of their abuse; many fight back, many get duped by their abusers, and many consequently have to leave their families behind. Also, with regards to transwomen, many are profiled by police under the suspicion of being sex workers, and have had to fight off hate crimes.  Eve Ensler, who I usually feel iffy about, has made an excellent documentary and play called Any One of Us, and Victoria Law has written a book called Resistance Behind Bars, which articulates women’s struggles in prisons and outside of them. Angela Davis has also written extensively on the subject as a black feminist and former political prisoner. These works show that these prisoners don’t need to be confined; they need serious help.

If the current criminal justice system was any good, the assholes on Wall Street would be done for, and so would roughly 94% of rapists. If it was any good, my own father wouldn’t have been thrown in prison under the racist pretense that he was undocumented, when he actually showed up to court to pay a debt. But instead, prisons uphold white supremacy and slavery, and continue cycles of abuse for marginalized people. So you all need to do yourselves a favor and read up before you start attacking prison abolitionists, instead of individualizing a structural problem by saying things like “But I need prisons!” When you obviously have no idea what happens in them or how most people get there. No sympathy for rapists, but no excuses for a fucked up prison system. 

Yeah Suzy!

I should also add, too, that this kind of argument completely erases the fact that prison subjects bodies to rape in hugely escalated ways. IE, people go to jail for, say, drug possession and then are raped or (less rampantly) become rapists. There aren’t really stats on this, but the idea that most prison rape is committed by other prisoners bothers me and is probably not true at all. Prison makes bodies particularly vulnerable to rape by cops, guards, doctors, janitors, fucking everyone. A prison industrial complex, a prison system at all, is always going to be what we call a “rape culture” because it is a culture which removes economic and legal value from bodies, which completely separates bodies from their autonomy, which by definition erases the right/power/capability that any body has to exercise anything that looks like “consent,” and which makes a rape of these bodies unpunishable by any means.

And (if you watch SVU you know this all too well) a support of prisons is a complicity in using rape as punishment for (almost always) lesser wrongs, most of which are not actually bodily infractions but are capitalist ones—drugs, property theft. Rape becomes something that it is okay to do to certain bodies, and rape becomes something it is especially okay to do to bodies that fuck with capitalism. In prisons, rape props up capitalism. (And let’s not forget that this is literal: guess how many things in your home and neighborhood were made by prison labor? Guess how many things on your boobs were made using prison labor?)

If you fuck with capitalism you go to jail. If you go to jail you get raped. If you get raped you don’t go to jail. If you rape a prisoner you get a high five from Eliott Stabler.

I don’t want to overlook the important fact, though: dude socialists will always always use the PIC as a way to derail and redirect any conversation about accountability for rapists. Even though, as you said, most rapists are not in prison, nor will they ever be in prison.

a: I want my rapist to go to jail
dude socialist: you are propping up capitalism, and also I am probably going to rape you because that’s what dudes like me do

*anarchists too, and really any dude, or maybe anybody, but I’ve met mostly the socialist ones

Smashing The Prison Industrial Complex In Three Easy Steps, According To White Dudes In Their Twenties:

  1. FREE ALL RAPISTS! ANY WOMAN OR QUEER PERSON WHO WANTS TO INVOLVE THE STATE IN THEIR TRAUMA IS AN ENEMY OF THE CAUSE AND SHOULD BE REMOVED FROM ALL ORGANIZING SPACES. ALSO PROBABLY RAPED.
  2. ANY PERSON WHO DOES NOT PROTEST MY WEED POSSESSION CHARGES* IS AN ENEMY OF LIBERATION
  3. IF WE SOLVE THESE PROBLEMS, ALL THE POOR BLACK PEOPLE WILL BE SAVED

*wherein I will never face jail time if I am white but am really mad about having to do community service

THIS IS IMPORTANT.
ONE CAN BE AGAINST BOTH RAPE/RAPISTS AND PRISONS,
and also
BOTH RAPE AND PRISONS SHOULD BE OPPOSED.

i agree.  important conversation.

Spring Additions

i had intended on updating more often, but below are some things i added to the site since march.  i was particularly excited to see a pdf version of Caliban and the Witch available on libcom.org.  i highly recommend that book. 

i also enjoyed the gender pamphlet by Jamie Heckert that the Institute for Anarchist Studies put out.

i thought the “who is oakland” article has some very interesting things to say about identity politics and other issues facing anarchists and “activists” lately.

some of the links are to older zines that i have liked that i was happy to find digital versions of to share with you.

Gender (IAS Lexicon Series pamphlet) (2012)

Oppression within oppression: a response to “A Question of Privilege” (2011)

Postrevolutionary pioneer: Anarchist María Luisa Marín and the Veracruz renters’ movement

Who Is Oakland: Anti-Oppression Activism, the Politics of Safety, and State Co-optation (2012)

Complex Everyday Realities: Women and Class (2011)

Caliban and the Witch (2004) pdf

What Is There in Anarchy for Woman? (1897)

Safer spaces, false allegations, and the NYC Anarchist Bookfair (2012)

How Do You Practice Intersectionalism? An Interview with bell hooks (2009)

Féminisme et Anarchie (1970)

Women’s Self-Defense zine #1-2

¿Qué significa anarcofeminismo?

Thinking Through Perpetrator Accountability (2009)

Transgender liberation, class politics & anarchism (2012)

La historia de la lucha de mujeres anarquistas 1884-1968

Sample chronology of anarchist women’s activity in Latin America 1884-1968

Herbal Abortion: The Fruit of the Tree of Knowledge (1994)

Women in the Spanish revolution - Solidarity (1975)

Wive’s Tales zine

Free Women of Spain (2005) pdf

Free to Choose: A Guide to Reproductive Freedom (2006)

Viva Voce: Some thoughts on women’s health and sexuality

Privilege theory and cultural essentialism have incapacitated antiracist, feminist, and queer organizing in this country by confusing identity categories with solidarity, minimizing and misrepresenting the severity of structural racial inequality, and reinforcing stereotypes about the homogeneity and helplessness of “communities of color.” The category of “communities of color” is itself a recently invented identity category which obscures the central role that antiblack racism plays in maintaining an American racial order and conceals emerging forms of nonwhite interracial conflict. What living in a “post-racial era” really means is that race is increasingly “represented” in government, media, and education as “culture” while the nation as a whole has returned to levels of racial inequality, residential and educational segregation, and violence unseen since the last “post-racial” moment in American history – the mid-60s legal repeal of the apartheid system of Jim Crow.

Understanding racism as primarily a matter of individual racial privilege, and the symbolic affirmation of marginalized cultural identities as the solution to this basic lack of privilege, is the dominant and largely unquestioned form of anti-oppression politics in the US today. According to this politics, whiteness simply becomes one more “culture,” and white supremacy one more ideology, instead of a structural position of dominance reinforced through institutions, civilian and police violence, access to resources, and the economy.

Demographic categories are not coherent, homogeneous “communities” or “cultures” which can be represented by individuals, no matter how well-intentioned. Identity categories do not indicate political unity or agreement. Identity is not solidarity. Gender, sexual, and economic domination within racial identity categories have typically been described through an additive concept, intersectionality, which continues to assume that political agreement is automatically generated through the proliferation of existing demographic categories.

For too long individual racial privilege has been taken to be the problem, and state, corporate, or nonprofit managed racial and ethnic “cultural diversity” within existing hierarchies of power imagined to be the solution. It is a well-worn activist formula to point out that “representatives” of different identity categories must be placed “front and center” in struggles against racism, sexism, and homophobia. But this is meaningless without also specifying the content of the politics of these “representatives.” The US Army is simultaneously one of the most racially integrated and oppressive institutions in American society. “Diversity” alone is a meaningless political ideal which reifies culture, defines agency as inclusion within oppressive systems, and equates identity categories with political beliefs.

Time and again politicians of color have betrayed the very groups they claim to represent while being held up as proof that America is indeed a “colorblind” or “post-racial” society. Wealthy queers support initiatives which lock up and murder poor queers, trans* people, and sex workers. Women in positions of power continue to defend and sometimes initiate the vicious assault on abortion and reproductive rights, and then offload reproductive labor onto the shoulders of care workers who are predominantly women of color.

But more pertinent for our argument is the phenomenon of anti-oppression activists – who do advance a structural analysis of oppression – who consistently align themselves with a praxis that reduces the history of violent and radically unsafe antislavery, anticolonial, antipatriarchal, antihomophobic, and anticiscentric freedom struggles to struggles over individual privilege and state recognition of cultural difference. Even when these activists invoke a history of militant resistance and sacrifice, they consistently fall back upon strategies of petitioning the powerful to renounce their privilege, alter their terminology, or “allow” marginalized populations to lead resistance struggles.

For too long there has been no alternative to this politics of privilege and cultural recognition, and so rejecting this liberal political framework has become synonymous with a refusal to seriously address racism, sexism, and homophobia in general. Even and especially when people of color, women, and queers imagine and execute alternatives to this liberal politics of cultural inclusion, they are persistently attacked as white, male, and privileged by the cohort that maintains and perpetuates the dominant praxis.

Communities of color are not a single, homogenous bloc with identical political opinions. There is no single unified antiracist, feminist, and queer political program which white liberals can somehow become “allies” of, despite the fact that some individuals or groups of color may claim that they are in possession of such a program. Such assumptions of “allyship” are deeply bound to a self-defeating politics of white benevolence and minority victimhood, rather than to the agency, heterogeneity, and self-organization of marginalized demographics.

This particular brand of white allyship both flattens political differences between whites and homogenizes the populations they claim to speak on behalf of. We believe that this politics remains fundamentally conservative, silencing, and coercive, especially for people of color who reject the analysis and field of action offered by privilege theory.

VIDEO: Selma James on Her Six Decades of Activism →

Although I don’t agree with her on everything, I find Selma James and what she has been and is involved with pretty fascinating.

Happy May Day!

Pussy Riot and free speech: How Russian capitalism and religion are attacking dissent →

Quiet Rumors new edition available later this year from AK Press

A new edition of one of our all-time favorite AK Press titles!

This is a fascinating window into the development of the women’s movement in the words of those who moved it. Compiled and introduced by the UK-based anarchist collective Dark Star, Quiet Rumours features articles and essays from four generations of anarchist-inspired feminists, including Emma Goldman, Voltairine de Cleyre, Jo Freeman, Peggy Kornegger, Cathy Levine, Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, Mujeres Creando, Rote Zora, and beyond. All the pieces from the first two editions are included here, as well as new material bringing third and so-called fourth-wave feminism into conversation with twenty-first century politics. An ideal overview for budding feminists and an exciting reconsideration for seasoned radicals.

(Source: akpress.org)